Sunday, January 26, 2020

Women And Personal Status Law In Iraq Politics Essay

Women And Personal Status Law In Iraq Politics Essay Personal Status law is the term applied to those provisions in a states constitution that refer to the areas of marriage, divorce, custody, and inheritance. In many countries these laws are constructed as part of a secular, civil code, with independent courts adjudicating disputes. Historically women have been much more sensitive to personal status laws, also referred to as family law, because of their position in the household as caregivers and matriarchs. The laws that pertain to personal status in Iraq have undergone three main periods of transformation; in pre-Gulf War Iraq, the original law of personal status was set in place on December 30, 1959; several of the provisions (articles) were then amended, a few dropped, and several more added throughout the 1970s; post-Gulf War Iraq was a crucial turning point in the transformation of the code when women began to see a decline in their personal status rights; the laws were altered yet again as a consequence of the U.S. led invasion in 2003 and the drafting of a new Iraqi Constitution. By looking at these three time periods and the prevailing political atmospheres, we can then see the negative transformation and state manipulation of the personal status law. The future of the status of women in Iraq and their rights as recognized in a personal status code will also be discussed. It will be clear from this examination that while women have been successful in exerting some influence on laws of personal status in Iraq, more often than not the laws have been manipulated as a political tool by those in power, irreverent of the needs or wants of the countrys female population. It is important to consider the development of international human rights perceptions in relation to the current debate in the Middle East. The purpose of this framework is to provide a foundation from which we can understand the source of significant tension between Sharia Law and Personal Status Law. Human rights formed in the West during the European Enlightenment. The idea that the rights of the individual should be of paramount importance in a political system emerged and the emphasis on individualism, humanism, and rationalism (Mayer, 44) is the basis for contemporary international human rights principles. These Western foundations do well to explain the cause of tension between the West and Islam over human rights but to understand where the source of tension lies, we must look at Islam as an institution. Islam is the cornerstone of Middle East culture and tradition. Regardless of modernization efforts, Islamic primacy still remains. The dominance of religion affects all aspects of life including the human rights discourse and, as a result, the Muslim position on human rights is complex. Muslims do not have a common belief about what the Islamic position on human rights is or the relationship of their cultural tradition to international human rights norms (Mayer, 11). The Middle East, by nature, is a deeply penetrated region dealing with the impact of Western persuasion throughout its history. Human rights concepts are just another standard that the Middle East has had to assimilate and apply to their countries. However, these concepts are also part of accepted international law and by acknowledging international law as the law of nations (Mayer, 12), Muslims are bound to these norms. Thus, Muslim rejection to international human rights on the basis of Islam is contradictory. Historically, there is no human rights tradition in Islamic civilization (Mayer, 73) and no existing criteria as to how Islamic institutions limit international human rights or is there any detail of what these restrictions would be. International law recognizes many rights protections are not absolute and may be suspended or qualified in exception circumstance such as wars or public emergencies or even in normal circumstances in the interests of certain overriding considerations  [1]  However, there are certain kinds of rights that cannot be limited. These include freedom and equality, equality before law, equal protection, fair and public hearing, freedom of religion, and equal rights in marriage, all of which are listed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). In addition to these absolute rights, the UDHR also includes definite standards regarding what constitutes permissible reasons for curbing human rights protections (Mayer, 76). For example, Article 29.2 states: In the exercise of his rights and freedoms, everyone shall be subject only to such limitations as are determined by law solely for the purpose of securing due recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others and of meeting the just requirements of morality, public order and the general welfare in a democratic society.  [2]   A similar stipulation is also expressed in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) in Article 4: The States Parties to the present Covenant recognize that, in the enjoyment of those rights provided by the State in conformity with the present Covenant, the State may subject such rights only to such limitations as are determined by law only in so far as this may be compatible with the nature of these rights and solely for the purpose of promoting the general welfare in a democratic society.  [3]   It is clear that there are specific guidelines to restricting limits put on human rights exist; so then how does Islam seem to infringe upon these principles? Under international law, Muslims and non-Muslims cannot be deprived of their rights. However, there is no regulation that states that fundamental human rights may be curtailedà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦by reference to the requirements of a particular religion (Mayer, 76). Nevertheless, human rights in the Middle East are being controlled under Sharia law and as a result, the rights that are established under international law are being qualified by standards that are not recognized in international law as legitimate bases for curtailing rights (Mayer, 77). Thus, it can be concluded that Sharia law is in direct conflict with democracy and human rights. More importantly, the overall conflict lies in the relationship between culture and human rights (An-Naim, 142). Sharia law is an integral part of Muslim society as it is the personal law of Islamic society. Most of the human rights violations related to Islam are inflicted on women especially regarding Personal Status law. Women in Pre-Gulf War Iraq CONDITIONS IN 1959 The late 1950s were a time of great change for Iraq. After years of living under the British mandate system and the subsequent rule of a pro-British monarch, a revolutionary new regime came to power on July 14, 1958. Led by Colonel Abd al-Salam Arif and Brigadier Abd al-Karim Qasim, the forces that overthrew the monarchy were united more by their distaste of the ruling regime, rather than by ideological means (Tripp, 149). Qasim quickly took advantage of his new position, consolidating power at the top of the state, and appointing himself Prime Minister, Minister of Defence, and Commander in Chief (Tripp, 152). The Iraq he took over was poor and underdeveloped, but under Qasim progressive laws were passed and early on groups were allowed to organize (including the Communist Party) to address the concerns and needs of what had previously been neglected aspects of society. These organizations, though allowed to operate openly were nevertheless still beholden to the state. One such grou p was the League for the Defense of Womens Rights, or al-Rabita, officially recognized by the government in 1958 though it had been active underground since 1952 (Efrati, 2). Al-Rabita was funded by the Communist Party, but established by professional Iraqi women to create widespread access to the kinds of opportunities which their own more privileged backgrounds had granted them (Tripp, 154). In this spirit the group focused on educational opportunities and political participation. They were also active in helping to draft and pass the Personal Status Code of 1959. Before 1959, Iraq had no civil code that addressed matters of personal status, which are of particular concern to women. The 1940s saw the first wave of educated women in Iraq, as female doctors and lawyers graduated from state universities (Tripp, 155). The women who had started organizing in 1952 were committed to combating issues of child marriages, polygamy, and the difficulty of divorce for women compared to the relative ease of divorce for men. These women were active in helping to draft the 1959 law and their president, Naziha al-Dulaymi, used her position as the Minister of Municipalit ies (and the first woman cabinet member in Iraq) to sit on the panel of specialists who prepared the law. Resistance was strong among the Sunni and Shia ulama; the Sunni were afraid that the income and prestige of the ulama would suffer, while the Shia clerics saw possible codification of a civil personal law as an encroachment on the realm of their mujtahids (Efrati, 3). It is unclear why Qasims government pushed through with the groundbreaking Personal Status Law No. 188 on December 30, 1959 (Efrati, 3). A possible reason for the ruling could have been Qasims was interest in unifying Iraq, not because he was necessarily an egalitarian, but because consolidation of the state made control easier, thereby increasing and protecting his power base. THE LAW OF 1959 The Personal Status Law was issued by decree in 1959 and contained two distinct innovations: It unified personal status law for Sunnis and Shia. Personal status law was now codified and written into law. Judges could no longer determine the law according to their own religious training; they simply had to apply the new code (Brown, 5). The new law had its basis in Sharia but made expert religious opinion unnecessary, taking control over personal status and the fate of women out of the hands of the religious leaders and putting it into the hands of the state. Underscoring how important a rift this caused among the emerging secular state and the religious clerics, author Michael Eppel writes that Shiite religious leaders opposition to this law was a catalyst in the Shiite awakening in Iraq (158). This uniform law was enacted to erase sectarian divisions and subject everyone to the same rules of the state. Important provisions of the law included: A marriage age of 18 (article 8). In special cases this could be lowered to 16. Required a womans consent to her marriage (articles 4 and 6). Set forth sanity and puberty as essential to the capacity to marry (article 7). Prohibited arbitrary divorce. Set strict limitations on polygamy, requiring the permission of a judge which could only be granted on two conditions: 1) the husband was financially able to support more than one wife (article 4a) or 2) that there was some lawful benefit involved (article 4b). Stipulated that mothers had the preferential right to custody of their children. Custody was granted until the age of seven, with an opportunity for the court to extend the age if necessary (article 57). Required that men and women be treated equally in matters of inheritance. Considered talaq to be invalid if spoken by a man whose mental capabilities were lacking (i.e. in cases of intoxication or anger). Allowed women to seek divorce through judicial means on grounds of injury or familial discord (Efrati and Coleman). The law was not perfect and did in fact contain many loopholes. Women activists wanted tougher punishments for forcing women to marry, a ban on polygamy and temporary marriages, as well as protection against marriage by proxy, which could undermine a womans right to consent by substituting a male guardian. Activists were also upset that men retained the right of no-fault divorce, where women had to prove injury, and that a womans consent was not necessary to resume a marriage after a talaq divorce. At the same time, however, the law contained many provisions considered extremely liberal and progressive. The inheritance law was considered a radical departure from Islamic teachings. Womens groups argued that differentiating between men and women in the issue of inheritance was not suitable for a progressive society (Efrati, 12). Women were now entering the workforce and helping to provide for the family; therefore they should be allowed an equal opportunity to support their income with inheritances. When clerics decried this move, Qasim defended the provision by saying that the verse in the Koran calling for a daughters inheritance to be half that of a sons was a recommendation, and not a requirement (Coleman, 3). Whatever the reason for the creation of the 1959 uniform personal status law, its creation gave Iraqi women a vast amount of secular rights, and gave them the most progressive rights for their sex in the Arab world. CHANGES OVER TIME 1963-80 The decades of the 1960s and 1970s were characterized by coup detats and political unrest in Iraq, as well as by fluctuating economic wealth and development, all of which contributed to a redefinition of womens rights. On February 8, 1963 Abd al-Salam Arif lead a coalition of nationalist Nasserite army officers and Bath party members in a successful coup against the Qasim government, bringing a new regime into power (Eppel 202). The Arif government, comprised of Bathist and Arab nationalists, was not united on ideological grounds, and factions within the parties were quickly at odds with each other. In March of 1963 they fought to amend the personal status law, instituting slight changes regarding polygamy and repealing the provisions applicable to inheritance, replacing them with rules more consonant with the Sharia (Efrati, 4). Both Arif and Prime Minister Ahmad Hasan al-Bakr wanted to repeal the law completely which they saw as irreconcilable with Islamic law, but were prevented f rom doing so due to infighting (Eppel, 216). These changes to the law proved to be temporary and were later amended in the 1970s. In 1968 yet another coup was launched, this time by the Bath party against Arifs brother, who had gained control of Iraq upon his brothers death. The Bath party stood for the power and unity of the Arab nation, and they rejected the Sunni/Shiite rift as an obstacle to this unity (Eppel, 232). In this vein they did not move to repeal the 1959 status law, in part because of its secular nature and also because they needed women to contribute to a stronger Iraq. The idea was that by empowering women personally it would encourage them to participate economically and politically. To facilitate their agenda the Bath introduced many state funded organizations aimed at redevelopment. Much like al-Rabita was created as a state controlled channel for womens participation in society, so too was the General Federation of Iraqi Women (GFIW) created when the Bath regime came to power in 1968 (Joseph, 182). The womens groups of the 1970s and early 80s had a reciprocal relationship with the Bath leadership. GFIW members were taught that they must serve and be loyal to the party and the state, and were encouraged to participate in a expanding public domain of social, cultural, political, and economic activities, helping to build a more solid and economically viable state (Joseph, 183). Joseph also writes that GFIW staff spent considerable time encouraging, among the membership, affection and loyalty to the head of the party and state, Saddam Hussein (183). In exchange for their loyalty to the state, the GFIW was given the role of implementing the changes in the laws of personal status, were allowed to host conferences of activist women, and were elevated in the public eye by Saddam Husseins frequent pronouncements and public appearances lauding the work and leaders of their organization (183). The Bath never let the GFIW go unchecked; women leaders were appointed by their party and its bu dget was derived from the state (Joseph, 182). What is most interesting is that it was men at the top of the Bath partys power structure that set forth the goals of the GFIW. One of these goals was to ensure the equality of Iraqi women with men in rights, in the economy and in the state (182). While other womens groups still operated, the GFIW took over as the main catalyst for the expression of female goals. With the creation of this group, women activists again channeled their energy into rectifying the changes made in 1963 to the personal status law, and to closing the loopholes resulting from the 1959 version. THE NEW PROVISIONAL CONSTITUTION In 1970, members of the General Federation of Iraqi Women decided the time was right to push for a new personal status law to replace the 1959 code and more importantly the restrictive amendments introduced in 1963. They pushed for greater reforms, and formulated a draft for a new family law that was presented to the regime in 1975 (Efrati, 4). While not all of their demands were met, several amendments to the personal status code were included in Iraqs Provisional Constitution in 1970 and 1978. Among the important changes: Article 19 declared all citizens equal before the law (regardless of sex). Divorce was permitted by judicial proceedings if the marriage took place before 18 years of age or without a judges approval. Forced marriages were nullified if not consummated, and divorce was allowed where the marriage was not consummated. New punishments were set for forcing marriage and for preventing marriage. Punishments were set for marriages contracted outside of the court A man who contracted a second marriage (without judicial permission) could be imprisoned for 3-5 years. A wife now had legal grounds for demanding a divorce if her husband took a second wife without permission by a judge. A woman could now have a no-fault divorce if the marriage was not yet consummated and the marriage expenses were returned to the husband. Situations under which a woman could obtain a judicial divorce were clarified and expanded, ex) adultery. Maternal custody was extended to the age of 10. At age 15 the child could choose whom to live with (Efrati, HRW and Joseph). The law still registered several shortcomings. It did not forbid marriages by proxy, did not go far enough with the maternal age of custody, and lowered the possible marriage age to 15 (from 16) if a judge saw that special circumstances prevailed. Another major blow to the hopes of womens groups was that no ban on polygamy was included. Activists still opposed article 3(5) which allowed a judge to decide whether wives could be treated equally (Efrati, 7). They contended that judges were ill-equipped to make such a decision, and that equal treatment was an impossibility, citing as reinforcement the Quranic verse which states Ye will not be able to deal equally between [your] wives, however much you wish [to do so]' (7). Other articles that remained unchanged from the 1959 version included articles 34, 38, and 39, which allowed for divorce outside of the court, and ensured that equal rights to divorce were not granted to women (9). Still the changes in the 1970s, though slight, did enc ourage the womens movement. Also, in January of 1971, Iraq ratified the International Covenants on Civil and Political rights (ICCPR) and Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), both of which provided equal protection to women under international law (HWR, 2). The central question here is why did the Bath party pay attention to womens demands for greater opportunities and rights? Women activists had been vocal about instituting change since the 1920s, and though successful in seeing the 1959 law passed, they had not encountered many reforms since. Womens groups were partly responsible for the additions, but their activities alone do not explain the shifts in policy put into place by the Bath government. Among the new initiatives were Labor and Employment laws which passed, allowing women opportunities to participate in the civil service sector, maternity benefits that were introduced, as well as other legislation (HRW, 2). According to Human Rights Watch, the Iraqi Bureau of Statistics reported that in 1976, women represented about 38.5 percent of those in the education sector, 31 percent in the medical field, 15 percent of civil servants and 25 percent of lab technicians. Women were also accorded the right to vote in 1980. When one consid ers that the first female graduates of educational institutions didnt emerge until the 1940s, this participation is highly accelerated. This increased economic participation then paved the way for slight changes to the personal status law. As Joseph writes, In so far as freeing women from familial controls to participate in the labour force and the polity was needed for the state-building programme, some revision of the personal status laws became necessary and useful (184). Thus, during this time period, due to the economic expansion of the state, the regime saw fit to expand womens participation and facilitated this through political means, by amending the personal status law. WAR YEARS The 1980s and 90s were a hard time for all Iraqis, and women were no exception. Two wars and a decade of U.N. sanctions ensured that womens groups had other more pressing concerns than the continued fight to amend the personal status code. In 1972, with the nationalization of Iraqs main commodity, oil, the states wealth increased and an economic boom contributed to advancement in education and the workforce for women. By the 1980s and 90s a slow-down occurred as these resources were diverted to pay for the Iran-Iraq war and later to the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait and the Gulf war that followed. Throughout these decades women again became a tool of the state. Whereas before they had been co-opted with political reforms, now women, under threat of personal or familial harm, were urged in the 1980s and 1990s to put the state first and family second. Loyalty to the state was absolute. Divorce was now used as a weapon of the regime. Noga Efrati writes, women were encouraged to seek judicial divorce if their husbands evaded or deserted military service, defected to the enemy side, were convicted of treason, or held foreign citizenship and refrained from returning to Iraq for more than three years (10). During these years the GFIW did manage to convince President Saddam Hussein to pass a few resolutions, in special cases, but to the advantage of only a small number of women. Women in Post-Gulf War Iraq Beginning in the 1990s women started to see a dramatic reversal in their personal status rights. Joseph writes that the modest legal advances for women would be precariously balanced against the costs the Bath would incur by antagonizing other constituencies (184). The constituencies he speaks of are those of the religious leaders and the tribal chiefs, the same people whose support Saddam needed to court in order to retain power throughout the wars. Saddam made a decision to embrace Islamic and tribal traditions as a political tool in order to consolidate power (HWR, 3). In this vein Saddam manipulated and created law wherever it served his political purposes. In 1988 he legalized honour killings in Iraq, permitting men to kill their wives or female relatives if they were judged to have dishonoured the family name by committing adultery, which resulted in the deaths of an estimated 4,000 Iraqi women and girls (Tripp, 227, HWR). This reversal was a concession to Shia clerics. Womens access to the public and private sectors (including education) were also cut in order to ensure jobs for men during wartime and to help appease conservative religious and tribal groups (HWR). A combination of depressed economic and political factors in the late 1980s and early 1990s led to a regression of womens status and rights in Iraq, taking them back to traditional roles in the family. The 2003 Invasion and the New Iraqi Constitution With the U.S. led invasion in 2003, many activists both in and outside of Iraq expected a positive change in the status of women and hoped for the restoration of a progressive personal status code. The hope was that after removing Saddam from power, a new government, guided by an egalitarian Western power (the United States) would be able to resurrect and strengthen the original personal status law of 1959, ensuring more equal rights for women. Unfortunately it has been a bumpy road for female activists. The war and its aftermath have greatly reduced personal freedoms for all Iraqis, and attempts at preserving the personal status code have taken a back seat to preservation and personal safety. Progressives and women activists initially suffered a setback when in December 2003 the Iraqi Governing Council (IGC), under the control of Abd al-Aziz al-Hakim, the Shia cleric who leads the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI), passed Order 137 which seemed to set aside the 1959 personal status law (Brown, 6). Hakim had long been in opposition to the progressive personal status code, and used his opportunity as head of the rotating governing council to pass a measure that instilled Sharia and nullified the old code. According to Noga Efrati, women moved aggressively to fight Order 137, organizing a series of protests (1). One such protest drew activists representing 80 womens organizations, who carried placards that with slogans such as We Reject Decree 137 Which Sanctifies Sectarianism and Division in Iraqi Society and Family (1). Womens groups also held press conferences and high-level meetings with American provisional authorities to voice their concerns ov er the law, which in addition to nullifying an important code, was ambiguous and dangerous in its wording (Coleman, 3). Paul Bremer, leader of the Coalitional Provisional Authority, ended up vetoing Order 137, but the move by the Shia cleric foreshadowed the uphill fight women would have to face in a new, sectarian Iraq. In the final draft of the Constitution womens status in the new Iraq has not been clarified. In the October 2005 document, article 14 states that Iraqis are equal before the law without discrimination because of sex, but it also states that no law can be passed that contradicts the undisputed rules of Islam (Pollitt, 1). Whose version of Islam will govern is still up for debate. The law seems to indicate that Sunnis and Shia would be free to follow their own doctrine, and because it does not explicitly repeal or reference the 1959 law, scholars say the Constitution would appear to allow the continuation of the 1959 code of personal status for those who wanted to use it (Brown, 5). Sharia law could mean the return of unrestricted polygamy, divorce by talaq, honour killings, and a public death for perpetrators of adultery (Weinberg, 1). The picture becomes even more unclear when one looks at the Supreme Federal Court, also established by the Constitution. This Court will be made up of a number of judges and experts in Sharia and law (Pollitt, 1). It is unclear at this stage where there would be room for a civil court system. While the women of Iraq and the National Assembly managed to be successful in keeping the 1959 law intact, it seems that the country is destined to be divided along religious lines. Even if Iraq remains a unified country, the religious and sectarian splits in law could make adjudicating disputes incredibly difficult. What would happen in the case of a Sunni woman who is married to a Shia man? Would she have the right to visit a Sunni or secular court, or if the country reverts back to its patrimonial past, will she be forced to go to a Shia court. Perhaps she could pick whichever court is most advantageous to her cause. A Supreme Federal Court adjudicating on the basis of Sharia is also problematic for non-Muslims residing in Iraq. If Sharia is the law of the land, will non-Muslims also be subjected to it even though the constitution guarantees freedom of religion? The two main sects of Islam will most likely interpret family law differently, and women have gone from an even footing under secular law, to an unknown system that could test their resilience and forfeit their accustomed rights. Possible Transformations The fact is that the new Iraqi government has laid out a constitution which gives Islam a central role and which names the religion as a basic source of legislation (Pollitt, 1). Sharia has been recognized as a legitimizing factor, and therefore if women and moderates hope to advance the cause of womens rights in the new Iraq, they will probably have to do so within an Islamic framework. In the recent past women in other nations have also faced a change in their status, with different outcomes. One fear is the possibility of Iraq following in Irans footsteps, which would be a disastrous blow to the womens movement and to the hopes of those that wish to see Iraq modernize. With the coming of Irans revolution in 1979 and the attainment of power by religious clerics, the countrys progressive family law was suspended and within a few months new Sharia rulings lowered the marriage age to nine, permitted polygamy, gave fathers the right to decide who their daughters could marry, permitted unilateral divorce for men but not women, and gave fathers sole custody of children in the case of divorce (Coleman, 5). While a distinct possibility, this seems to be a fate Iraq has avoided with clauses in their Constitution that guarantee women an equal footing with men. Hopefully, Iraq will follow the letter of the law and will not suffer the same fate as Irans family law codes. Fortunately, there is precedent for a successful path to a change in womens status. Morocco and Indonesia have both seen extensive dialogue concerning their personal status codes, and each has discussed changes using Islam as a large part of their rationale. Morocco benefits from a large network of progressive nongovernmental organizations, which pushed to raise the marriage age from 15 to 18, abolish polygamy, equalize the right to divorce, and give women the right to retain custody of their children (Coleman, 5). As with Iraq, these progressive organizations were opposed by a large and vocal religious block within the country. In this case, the changes in the Sharia-based personal status laws were facilitated by a modernizing monarch, King Muhammad IV. He backed the reformers and in October 2003 presented Moroccos parliament with revisions to the law, defending his changes with references to the Koran and thereby placing the new law above reproach from religious leaders (Weitzman, 394). Iraq may not have the NGO strength of Morocco, but with the emergence of a charismatic, forward-thinking leader, as well as pressure from womens organizations and others from below, a reform along the lines of Moroccos experience could be achieved. In the case of Indonesia, grass-roots groups have started schooling women on Islamic jurisprudence so that they may hold their own religious debates. In 2004, Musdah Mulia, the chief researcher at Indonesias Ministry of Religious Affairs, proposed changes to the existing Sharia in the areas of marriage, polygamy, and the wearing of the hijab (Coleman, 5). She defended these changes in much the same way that King Muhammad of Morocco did, through references to

Saturday, January 18, 2020

Analysis of Arabian Nights

ARABIAN NIGHTS SYNOPSIS In Baghdad there was a Sultan named Shahryar who had gone mad because he accidentally killed his wife who was unfaithful to him for he had an affair with the Sultan’s brother, Schahzenan. He gone mad because he thought that every women wanted to kill him and for that he requests to bring a harem girl to marry and be killed the next day. A clever woman named Scheherazade decide to marry the Sultan in order to prevent his madness. With the help of a storyteller she tells the him a story every night and stopping every dawn with a cliffhanger and refuse to continue until its night time again.This prevents the Sultan to kill Scheherazade and the stories she was telling has lessons and will cure the madness of the Sultan. The stories she had told were Ali Baba and the Forty Thieves, The Tale of the Poor Hunchback, Aladdin and the Magic Lamp, The Sultan and the Beggar and The Three Princes. When Schahzenan heard about the Sultan’s madness and thought of it as his weakness, he took advantage of it. He formed an army to battle with him in getting the throne but he failed because Sultan Shahryar was cured by Scheherazade with her stories.The Sultan fell in love with her and because of the morals of her stories they defeated the army. At the end, Scheherazade was telling the whole story to her children. ANALYSIS 1. Give three traditional, cultural and customary practices shown in the movie. Explain its significance. A. The remarriage of the Sultan after the death of his wife or to pass the throne to a sibling. This can be considered a tradition because this practice has been done a long time ago. Almost all royal families do this. This is an important tradition because this speaks of loyalty and sincerity of the king or the sultan to his position.Marrying again shows that he is dedicated to his position that he does not let his emotions conquer him. That even he is grieving to the death of his former wife; he doesn’t mind it be cause what more important is his people and not his own self and own happiness. He is not willing to give up the throne because he knew it might affect his people and their daily lives. When the leader changes, adjustment of the people becomes difficult. Many would not agree and many will be against it. A good leader knows this well that is why he gives good decisions. B. The performance of an exotic dance to celebrate a victory.This is a cultural practice for this shows the culture of a certain group. In the movie, in the part about Ali Baba and the Forty Thieves, Morgiana, the love of Ali Baba performed a dance in celebration of their victory. It is a victory for defeating the enemies. This is significant because this presents the true picture of a group. It shows what the group is, what do they do and how they make-known their culture. It is therefore important because this will be the way that they can be recognized and appreciated. That they can show to all that they also posse ss a rich culture.In just a simple dance number, every movement, the music, the steps, the costume and the emotions talks about something, it talks about a story which is about them and their tradition. C. The offering of a dowry in asking a princess for marriage. This is a very known practice ever since for in ancient stories every man who wants to marry should offer something special and costly to the woman and the family. This is also considered important because this shows respect and assurance to the future of the couple. This just represent that the family of the woman can be at peace that they can give their child to a trustworthy man.And this is also important because this gives a man the opportunity to present himself and prove to be a gentleman. 2. Give three to five representations of human character and how these human nature shown in the movie. A. Courageous Courage is the ability to face difficulty and this trait is possessed by Scheherazade. She was willing to risk he r life just to save her fellow women from the mad Sultan. Even she was a little nervous of what she had decided, she face the challenge with great courage and bravery, letting her fate decide what will happen to her as long as she pursue her plan.B. Wise This trait is possessed by Aladdin when he snatched the lamp from Mustappa. He used his skills and took it as an opportunity to bring back the lamp to his owner, himself. Even pick-pocketing is a bad habit, he still used it in a useful and good reason. He did it because he knew, Mustappa has evil plans for it. C. Oppurtunistic This negative trait is possessed by Sultan Harun Al-Rashid when he always plays a prank with the beggar, Amin. He took advantage of Amin because he thinks he is weak and that he could have fun using him.But at the end, because of his bad trait, he faced his consequence and that is to be killed by the person he belittled before. D. Loving This is presented by the three princes, they showed how much they love th eir father even at first, they always compete and quarrel. Even they always do this, their reason is always, they love their father and they will do anything for him. When they were requested to bring back a special thing to their father, they exerted effort and time just to have it. And also because of the love they have for their parent, the three of them learn to rule the kingdom with peace and harmony.E. Pessimistic Sultan Shahryar is pessimistic. This was shown when he was betrayed by his wife. Because of this experience, he blinded himself that all women are trying to kill him. He generalize that women has bad intentions against him. He did not try to see the brighter side of life, that what had happened to him has a purpose and reason, instead he let himself sink to his emotions and this had conquered his mind that is why he became mad. 3. Give three universal truths drawn from the movie and its application to personal experience. A. No man is an island.Even if how strong a p erson is, how brave he is and how unbreakable he is, he might not admit it, but he still needs a shoulder and a hand for support. I am not this kind of person but I think this is one lesson that might get from the story. I observe this with others, who shows the world they do not need help but when problems come they hopelessly aiming for it. Nobody survives alone, everyone needs somebody because as I can see, you cannot talk, cry, laugh and tap yourself. It’s much better to see someone who are happy when you are happy and wipes your tears when in pain.For short, it’s best when you have true friends. B. People who do bad things suffer the consequence of their action in the end. I always believe in this line because every action done has a corresponding consequence, may it be good or bad, it always depends on the former action. In my experience, what I did was, I didn’t ask permission that I’ll accompany my cousin at the park. We went there and played in à ¢â‚¬Å"monkey bars†. Unfortunately, I fell and broke my bone in the arm. And I really put this lesson in my mind. I also saw this in people who engaged in bad activities like pick-pocketing.They might benefit in that act but the so called karma, it might not strike them, instead their loved ones suffer for them. C. Everything happens for a purpose. This lesson may be applied in every situation and in any kinds of problems. Whatever happens, there is always a reason, we may not see it easily but as time passes by, we tend to realize why it had happened. Many problems come and sometimes we fail, but we should be open minded and realize that bad things happen because it will be exchanged with much of happiness. BEST PART OF THE MOVIEFor me, the best part of the movie is when Scheherazade conducted her plan to save the women and to rescue the Sultan from madness. In the time that she told the Sultan stories in order for him to heal. I like this because it showed â€Å"girl-powerâ € . It showed that even a long time ago, women had also out win men. That in a simple act, she had changed a very big thing. In this part, it showed that women are wise and courageous. I am very pleased and as I see it, I can’t resist feeling very proud of her and us, her fellow women. It showed that we can also be strong, that we can also stand and conquer something.It can be respect, power and appreciation of others. It’s brings me to an inspiration that I can also be like her, to have the courage to face difficulties. RECOMMENDATIONS 1. When watching the movie, the viewer should listen and take notes of the lines being uttered by the characters. This is because, these lines give inspiring thought to its viewers and it can be applied to some situations in each lives. 2. When watching, try to see yourself in the situation or in the characters because there is reality in their every action. There is truth in what they are doing because it can happen in a person in c ertainty.

Friday, January 10, 2020

Rise and Fall of Civilizations

Chanelle Samuel The Inevitable Progression of Complex Societies Ancient civilizations and the civilizations of today all share a commonality. That commonality is that all civilizations seem to go through this pattern of rise and fall. The civilization will grow, prosper, accumulate wealth and power, but eventually due to a variety of factors including natural disasters, economic decline, invasion, and so on, the civilization will slowly lose power and land and relinquish any sort of ties that once held them together.This is clearly evident in most civilizations, and the civilizations that it is not clearly evident in are those that can technically be called civilizations today. But since they are still civilizations of today, the cycle or rise and fall may not be completer yet. This rise and fall of civilizations is an inevitable process that continues to be a factor in today’s world. For the purpose of this essay I would like to clarify the definitions of terms that I will be using.The first is the term rise and fall. I clarify rise to be when a group of people gains power over their geography and environment, are unified in some way, and have the ability to not only sustain their power but have the potential to expand that power and influence outwards. Fall will be defined as when a group of people have no potential to expand, are losing their sustained power, and when there is no chance for them to rise again.A harder term to define is that of civilization, but for the purpose of this essay civilization will be defined as occupying a geographical area, the defining feature of how that civilization responds to the challenges from their location, maintain a social organization (that may change over time), a common religion, a form of communication, and an economic system (that changes over time). So form this point onwards these are the meanings of the terms I will be using. Form the beginnings of time humans have aggregated together, and lived within f amily groupings.These groupings at the beginning were very small, usually only containing of one family. But as humans began to learn, with the innovations of new tools and ideas were formed, as well as the ability to travel in larger numbers emerged. These were known as the hunter-gatherer civilizations. They were nomads who continually migrated in search of food resources with the changing of the seasons. From natural progression some of these peoples evolved to stay in one area and cultivate crops that beforehand they had mostly gathered. They began to domesticate regional plants and animals found in the area.This transfer from nomadic peoples to agricultural settlements was the first real implications of a true civilization. One of the first agricultural settlements that expanded and became a prosperous civilization was that of the Indus River Valley in present day Pakistan and India. It was built on the floodplains of the Indus and Saraswati Rivers, which created a problem as l eaders would have to deal with environmental factors such as intense flooding during the rainy season. The civilization was at its height from twenty-six hundred to nineteen hundred B.C. E. , and contained as many as five million people. Its economy was based heavily on trade which they prospered from due to their valuable commodities of ivory, cotton, hardwoods, and precious stones. They also had a unified culture, art and script. As I have outlined here the Indus River Valley clearly meets the criteria of a civilization. Although the historical evidence for this society is scarce as we cannot interpret their script, it is clear that this society expanded and flourished with the help of an extensive trade network and a fortified city.This would constitute the civilizations rise to power and extension of that power from trade alliances. This led to the height of the civilization which was showcased with the societies planned streets, with complicated plumbing, bath houses, and assem bly halls. But by eighteen hundred B. C. E. the civilization began to collapse. The most likely reason for the collapse was due to environmental factors including constant river flooding which could be due to increasing temperatures that caused the Himalayan glaciers to increase water in the rivers.This then affected their ability to cultivate crops and had an impact on sustaining high population numbers and the effectiveness of trade. There also may have been earthquakes which changed the landscape and may have altered the course of the rivers. The Indus river Valley clearly follows the rise and fall cycle of civilizations. It came to prominence beside the Indus River and based its agriculture on the fertile flood plains of the river. It grew in power and influence as the wealth of commodities they held were traded with neighbouring peoples.But environmental factors caused strain on the civilization that over time they were not able to solve or cope with which led to the eventual d ecline and fall of this once thriving civilization. Another example of civilizations that followed the same course were the shorted-lived civilizations of West Africa. These civilizations prospered in sub-Saharan Africa around the Senegal and Niger Rivers. The first civilization to rise there was that of Ancient Ghana. It developed around the fourth and fifth century C. E. from nomadic peoples known as the Soninke banding together for protection.They rose to power as the kings of Ghana maintained a monopoly on the trade of gold. They were in a key location which contained some of the largest gold resources of that time, and as civilizations in the Mediterranean based their currency on gold, it was in high demand. This caused Ghana to rely heavily on trade for their economy, as Arabs from Northern Africa crossed the Saharan desert to bring goods from elsewhere and trade for gold and salt. But Ghana began to weaken in power as the trade routes shifted further east and also lost its tr ading monopoly on gold.In addition other peoples envied Ghana’s wealth and pressured Ghana with attacks that further weakened the empire. Soon after, Ancient Ghana was overtaken and swallowed into the Mali Empire, which had the same characteristics of the Ghana Empire. It also relied heavily on trade and especially that of gold and salt. And similar to Ghana the Mali Empire slowly weakened and another empire the Songhay Empire exerted influenced and encompassed Mali into their empire. The West African civilizations are characterized by short periods of power, and eventual decline and take over by another society.That is why some people and I believe that those three civilizations can really be considered as one larger civilization. When taken as one civilization, you can think of Ghana and Mali and Songhay as three peaks of this one larger civilization, but as Songhay began to lose control of the trade routes another rising power from around todays Morocco caused the final fa ll of the West African civilization. West Africa fits in as a civilization by having common language roots of the Mande and Arabic, as well as a tolerant religion of a mixture of Islam and polytheism.They were located in western sub-Saharan Africa and maintained a heavy reliance on trade for their economies. But since they relied so heavily on the trade routes through the Saharan desserts once they lost control of those routes, they eventually diminished in power, and were invaded by other powers. The third civilization I would like to discuss is the Mayan Civilization. Its geographic location encompasses todays Guatemala, El Salvador, and Mexico. It was established in one hundred C. E. in an inhospitable landscape.The culture was undoubtedly polytheistic as there were enormous amounts of natural disasters in this area which could be why a lot of their gods are angry and vengeful gods. Their economy was based on trading with the peoples of the north. They also established religious centers and the formation of city-states. Mayan society was very advanced but all technological innovations pertained to religion and appeasement of their gods. They had a unified written script which allowed them to communicate. The height of Mayan civilization was in three hundred C.E. and was followed by a period of decline. There are many factors that caused the decline of the Mayan civilization. Firstly, environmental factors played a large role as a period of drought commenced after many successful rainy seasons which lead to huge increases in the population. So when the drought hit and crops began to fail, there just wasn’t enough food to support such a large population. They also used slash and burn agriculture which only supports crops for a short period of time before that same land becomes arid and unusable.Also the arrival of the Spanish in Peru lead to the spread of epidemic diseases that the Mayans had no immunity for including small pox, measles, and chicken po x. Internal rivalries were also present which caused conflict and instability within the society. The Spanish also conquered territory and with their superior weapons and military they were able to defeat the Mayans. At the height of Mayan Civilization it is obvious that this civilization was strong and very advanced. But, like the other civilizations a variety of factors came about that lead to the decline and further more fall of the Mayan Civilization.However there are still people of Mayan descent that I do believe protect the language and customs, but Mayan civilization no longer has its own economic base or power and influence over other peoples or on the environment. And lastly, I would like to look at Roman Civilization. The Roman Empire was founded in eight century B. C. E. , and was originally a small city-state ruled by a single king. However, in five hundred and nine B. C. E. the city’s aristocrats deposed the king and instituted a republic. When the republican co nstitution was in place, Roman civilization really began to rise in prominence.Between the fourth and second centuries B. C. E. , the people of Rome transformed their city from a small vulnerable city-state to the center of an enormous empire. In early Rome, polytheism was common, which was their belief in many Roman gods, but as they conquered lands new religions were brought into the empire including Judaism and Christianity. They consolidated their power in the Italian peninsula, and expanded outwards to conquer lands. They absorbed the land they conquered and allowed those peoples to govern their own internal affairs, and if they wanted, to gain Roman citizenship.This expansion brought wealth and power to Rome, but also increased class tensions where the disparity between the poor and the wealthy, and also administering to all the conquered lands began to strain resources. The Roman Empire was based on trade, and since they had such a large territory there was a lot of specializ ation that allowed them to trade in many goods. But with the over reach of the Roman Empire and the strain on resources, the Roman Empire was just too large to control and maintain. Internal tensions and attacks from outsiders also led to the fall of Rome.I have just outlined four cases that come from completely different areas of the world in which civilizations have risen, reached some sort of peak, and then declined and eventually diminished altogether. There are many more examples of civilizations throughout history that have also followed this pattern, but does outlining the instances in which these civilizations became established and then subsequent fall really explains why rise and fall is inevitable in all civilizations? I do not believe it explains the inevitability part that I have mentioned.I think in order to really understand why civilizations are bound to repeat this process lies within the human psyche. Humans are essentially the most complex species on the planet. I t is our brain and the ability to make tools that sets us apart from all other species and has allowed us to grow and develop in the way that we have. But humans also have another side which is not as bright. It is our consumerism, greed, and the belief that our species is the superior species and therefore we have the right to do what we will.This belief in superiority and greed has led to an evolution where we do not take into account the environment and the land that gives us sustenance and the ability to breathe clean air. This dominance over the environment and superiority has directed many civilizations to their downfall due to overconfidence, overextension of their power, and overharvesting of their resources. An example I have already spoken about is Rome. The need to conquer more land, and their greed in gaining wealth and power by taking other’s resources only amounted in weakening the empire to a state that left them vulnerable to invasion and collapse.In Mesoameri ca civilizations like the Mayans, used the slash and burn technique in agriculture which had devastating effects on the land. The destruction of forests for agricultural land releases a large amount of stored carbon that will all be released in the atmosphere. It also extinguishes nutrient cycling by creating crop land since no decomposition of organic matters occur, the soils then become very poor and arid and makes way for soil erosion, and can also lead to desertification. The biosphere actually has a carrying capacity for each environment.A carrying capacity is the amount of individuals that can live off the environment in a certain area. Once that plateau is reached there will be no more food, water, or shelter for those excess people. The earth cannot just contain an infinite amount of organisms. It has a limit to the amount it can supply. Once that plateau is hit there is no possibility of growth or extension of power and influence unless people find a way to live sustainably . The progression of civilizations will not overcome the rise and fall course of development unless humans make a shift in their thought processes.As presented in this essay the evidence of rise and fall within a civilization is sound. From past civilizations the overexpansion, internal dissent, invasion, or environmental factors have been the cause of decline in all those civilizations. In the civilizations that still exist today; the human beliefs are still the same. There is still this want to expand, to exhibit a greater power or influence over others, and to gain in wealth. This consumer way of life is the mindset that leads to declines of civilizations. The exploitation of the environment including agriculture, fishing, metals, oil, nd logging is causing a degradation of the environment and could lead to the collapse of the last remaining civilizations. Unless there is a switch to sustainable living in which the environment can recuperate and replenish, there will be nothing l eft to consume and nothing left to form the basis of today’s global economic society. Therefore all civilizations need to live and grow with the thought that natural resources are not infinite but in fact are running out very fast. If humans continue to live as greed-filled, corporation based unsustainable societies then it is inevitable that they will all fall.

Thursday, January 2, 2020

Mcp Proposal - 1292 Words

The State of Maine Department of Public Safety through the Maine Justice Assistance Council seeks proposals from eligible applicants for grant projects under the STOP (Services †¢ Training †¢ Officers †¢ Prosecutors) Violence Against Women Formula Grant Program (STOP Program) to support Maine communities in their efforts to develop and strengthen effective law enforcement and prosecution strategies to respond to violent crimes against women and to develop and strengthen victim services in cases involving violent crimes against women. Violence against women crimes includes sexual assault, domestic violence, dating violence and stalking. Eligible applicants are state and units oflocal government; Indian tribal govemments; courts, tribal courts†¦show more content†¦Administered through Maine Department of Public Safety, the STOP Program supports communities in their efforts to develop and strengthen effective law enforcement and prosecution strategies to combat v iolent crimes against women and to develop and strengthen victim services in cases involving violent crimes against women. Violence against women crimes includes sexual assault, domestic violence, dating violence and stalking. This docmnent provides instructions for submitting proposals, the procedure and criteria by which the Provider(s) will be selected, and the contractual terms which will govern the relationship between the State of Maine (State) and the awarded Bidder(s). The STOP Program promotes a coordinated, multidisciplinary approach to enhancing advocacy and improving the criminal justice systems response to violent crimes against women. It encourages the development and improvement of effective law enforcement and prosecution strategies to address violent crimes against women and the development and improvement of advocacy and services in cases involving violent crimes against women. The Maine Department of Public Safety has been the state administrative agency (SAA) for the U. S. Dept. of Justice, Office on Violence Against Women STOP Violence Against Women Formula Grant Program since 1995. 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